09.01.06   Ki Teitzei: Future of the World

 
Two Visions

When you go out to wage war upon your enemies, G-d will deliver them in your hands – opening of this week’s Torah portion

Why is there is such a disagreement between intelligent people about the strategy for peace in Israel and about the war on terror perpetrated by Muslim extremists?

One side argues that we need to sit down with both parties and hammer out a deal. They argue the need for diplomacy, negotiations and concessions on both sides. A second school of thought adamantly disagrees and feels that we need to show strength, even it requires military action, and it would be a disaster to take the path of appeasement or compromise.

[There is of course a third category of people who simply would prefer to ignore the entire issue. For obvious reasons, this column is not addressing this attitude].

What lies at the root of these differences? If both sides are committed to peace and co-existence, why are their positions so diametrically opposed?

Some argue that the disagreement (which many feel is generally the difference between much of Europe and the United States, or to a greater extent the split between the West and the Russians and Chinese) is rooted in self-interest: European – and to a stronger degree: Russian and Chinese – oil interests are economically entwined with Iran and other Middle Eastern countries. The United States sees its self interest served by confronting Iran and other extremist regimes in the Middle East. Some add, that America’s enormous power allows it the confidence to take on any global challenge, presently, Iran. Europe on the other hand does not wield such power, so they inevitably take on a more conciliatory and compromising stance. (See Two Faces of Esau).

Others chalk it up to plain anti-Semitism. Some of those advocating that Israel not use force (or “disproportionate” force, whatever that means) are just masking in “humanitarian” terms their antipathy to Israel and their belief that Israel is an “occupier” of Palestinian land. The argument goes (though rarely explicitly stated), that had Israel not existed in the first place we wouldn’t have all our problems with the Muslim world. On the other side, the American Christian Right, for instance, are fiercely pro-Israel and anti any concessions of land to the Arab world.

All these reasons may be valid, but there is something deeper.

May I submit that perhaps the root difference lies in two contrary perspectives on the nature of man and consequentially, two opposite visions of the world’s future.

Some believe that the human being is at heart an animal, albeit an evolved intelligent one, but nevertheless at the core humans are driven by the narcissistic survival drive (“survival of the fittest”). Allow the “id” out of the box and humans can perpetrate terrible atrocities against each other. Their intelligence, when distorted, can turn them into barbarians, far worse than the most aggressive natural predator. (see at length Psychology Today).

The logical conclusion of this perspective – which may be coined the Darwinian-Freudian model – is that the world will never change much. We will forever be plagued by war, violence and narrow-minded hatred. Despite moment of respite, people will inevitably gravitate back to their innate animal-like natures, always pitted against each other. Given, there are many good and noble people, but a large part (the majority?) the world’s population are selfish, petty and discriminate against each other.

According to this view, history is the greatest witness to the fact that people have always been at war with each other. People have done terrible things to each other. Thus it was and thus it will be. The only difference between one war and another is the time, place and the name of the empires and countries involved.

This school of thought argues that there will always be nations and cultures that will be dictatorial, autocratic and ruled not by democracy, but by a minority in power. Some regions will always be ruled by religious forces. Most of the Arab/Muslim countries fall into this category.

This world view dictates that the best strategy is to tolerate the powers that be, as long as they don’t cross certain lines (or even if they do). Even if we disagree with the totalitarian policies of these countries it is better to live with the known evil – which lends a certain level of stability – rather than upset the balance and then have to deal with the unpredictable and unstable unknown. Case in point: Iraq.

The argument goes: Since we don’t really believe that we can ever wipe away evil and ever put a stop to the unending, inherent greedy grab for power and control, we must make the best with what we have, to ensure a relatively stable world.

Of course, once in a while, when a Hitler emerges who refuses to maintain the status quo and demonstrates his real wishes to annihilate the free world, it becomes clear that there is no choice but to wage total war with the demand for unconditional surrender and the overthrow of the existing destructive regime.

But as long as it does not come to a blatant attack as perpetrated by the Nazis, we have to make the best with existing circumstances.

According to this rather somber – or some would call: resigned – world view, diplomacy, the U.N. and politics plays an important role of maintaining the fragile balance. (Of course those that feel this way will call themselves “realistic,” not fatalistic).

[Another variation of this way of thinking holds that a strong military is necessary to serve as a deterrent to the self-interest, which can lead to cruelty, innate in human nature].

Then there is a diametric opposite view of the human being and vision of the future. One that believes that we are fundamentally good people, driven to achieve heightened states of consciousness and discover harmony. Survival is a definite part of the human experience, but transcendence is ultimately more dominant.

Thus, the firm belief is that we will achieve global peace, and we will create a world in which war and injustice is entirely eliminated. This view, therefore, feels that everything possible must be done to help bring about a new era of universal peace and global co-existence, even if it means confronting and overturning existing regimes and causing short term unrest. The temporary pain is worth it because of the long term good that it will achieve.

Is it possible that some of those advocating appeasement simply do not believe that the world can ever fundamentally change for the better? Do they possibly not have confidence in the power of the human spirit to prevail over the material ego; that the power of love can prevail over the love of power? Is it conceivable that today’s disagreements about the attitude to the Muslim world and its war against Israel are rooted in these two different world visions?

Some will argue that one can embrace the second school of thought – the firm belief in a utopian future – and still not need to go to war against the totalitarian regimes. The best approach, they argue, to affect change in the Middle East regimes, is through peaceful dialogue, diplomacy, political and cultural exchange, not through aggression. On the contrary, the thinking goes: Since we believe in the inherent goodness of man, our ultimate solution will be achieved through peaceful interventions, not through war.

The problem is what is to be done when Muslim fundamentalists brazenly attack innocent people – whether they are in Israel, India, Spain, New York or Great Britain?

Can you just negotiate with a Hitler who declares his intention of annihilating you? Can diplomacy work with a group which explicitly calls for your destruction?

What this really comes down to is finding the unique combination, the delicate balance, between a profound belief in the magnificence of the human spirit and a beautiful future, and a sober recognition of human frailty and that we are not quite there yet.

It requires the humble wisdom of knowing when to go to battle against destructive forces, while retaining conviction in the goodness of man. Indeed, because of the love of beauty and faith in the greatest possibilities, we sadly have to at times do what it takes to fight when mans’ most base elements emerge. No different than, say, a loving parent who must discipline a delinquent child out of love and confidence in the child’s potential goodness.

The opening of this week’s Torah portion captures the subtle balance: When you go out to wage war upon your enemies, G-d will deliver them in your hands. The two operative phrases are “go out” and “upon,” seemingly superfluous terms. The Torah is telling us that “war,” even when necessary, is not the natural state of affairs. The inherent nature of existence is good. But at times, when you must battle forces that conceal that goodness, you “go out” – outside of your inherent nature – to wage battle. And therefore you always remain “upon” – above and more powerful – than “your enemies.” Even when you fight your adversary, you never become defined by it. Even as you wage war you always remain above it.

Diplomacy is fine – if it isn’t a smokescreen masking a philosophy of resignation and fear. A peaceful approach must come from a position of strength, coupled with the courage to go to war if necessary – in the firm belief that we can and will build a better world.

The month of Elul, in which now find ourselves, offers us this option: The absolute belief in the human spirit, the power of infinite hope, as reflected in Moses’ relentless efforts to achieve reconciliation following betrayal (as discussed in last’s week’s article).

Elul offers us a vision of the future – of a world which diverse nations will live in complete peace, without hate, war and discrimination. An absolute certainty that we can create such a world, and we will do whatever it takes to achieve it.

If necessary, we will not shrink away from battling the forces that want to destroy the foundations of civilization – the Divine dignity of each and every person, regardless of background. Of course, this commitment includes every possible effort to help inspire, through discussion and diplomacy, all countries, cultures and religions of the world to revolutionize their educations systems so that they not teach hate, destruction and deification of martyrdom through killing innocent people.

But, diplomacy cannot compromise the protection of the innocent. Discussions are only possible when we are not under the gun. As long as there are looming threats of terror everything must be done to eliminate the enemy. Yet, we must never forget that our war is not merely against others and their distorted ideology; it is a war for an ideology. It is not merely a defensive battle, but a proactive, offensive one: To build a world the way G-d intended – a world in which all G-d’s creatures live in complete harmony.

A universe in which there will be no more evil and destruction, because it will be “filled with Divine knowledge as the waters cover the sea.”

*  *  *

Question of the week: Do you agree with President Bush that our present war with Muslim fundamentalists is “the decisive ideological struggle of the 21st century”? And do you concur with his statement that “the direction of history leads toward freedom”?

Submit your response.
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Visitor Comments
Tina, 09/04/2006
California
3 points

1) I think you left out the possibility of reward and punishment and that if you reward certain behavior you will get more of it and if you punish behavior you will get less of it. Thus when Bibi Netanyahu says that you never unilaterally retreat after exhaustion due to terror, he may be right and if you want to retreat he says you make it look as if there was a negotiation and as if something was given for something. I have heard it said that the US even though it tries, keeps breaking this rule by taking seriously dangerous nations and not noticing non dangerous countries, thereby rewarding dangerous countries, like North Korea. I find that Leftists love to reward bad behavior which is why their world ends up being upside down.

2) Also as in the Iching I think there are times of lightness and times of darkness and it is important to know what the times are.

3)I also believe that Disney inadvertently affected US policy by his love of Mickey Mouse and brining up a whole generation who loved the mouse and that the US has a knee jerk reaction to the underdog. The Arabs have used this to portray themselves as victim and the Left sees the US and Israel as the enemy because Israel and the US are strong when it fact there should be nothing wrong with being strong and right but the Left sees only one who is weak is right.
Elana S. Daley, 09/04/2006
I do agree with Bush on #2. I do not agree on #1. I believe our choices are to protect and defend what we believe is the truth, which clearly is not the same truth for the others.
Anonymous, 09/04/2006
I do believe that we are in a decisive ideological struggle, and that freedom is the direction that we should follow. Freedom makes for reasonable negotiation and compromise with those who disagree with you.
Dick Snyder, 09/04/2006
Denver
Bush’s idea that our confrontation with Muslim fundamentalism is “the decisive ideological struggle of the 21st century,” is the half-baked construction of a mediocre intellect, lacking any sense of historical perspective.

History is not organized into neat, arbitrary 100-year divisions. Today’s confrontation did not emerge fully formed on 1/1/2000. Its roots go far back into the 18th, 19th and 20th Centuries.

There is a strong argument that one can define the 19th Century as beginning 11 years beforehand with the French Revolution. Events spawned in 1789 created the European order that brought on the Great War, abruptly ending that same order in 1918.

At that point the true 20th Century began, defined by rise of American power, the beginning of the Soviet Union, and a disastrous attempt by the new Europe to impose order in the vacuum created by the demise of the old. Did the 20th Century really end in 1989 with the collapse of the Soviet Union? Or are we still struggling to sort out the last of the mistakes wrought by the Treaty of Versailles and the Western malaise that brought on the Second World War.

After only six years of 21st century life, how can anyone know what’s to come during the next 94? Only in retrospect can we answer that question. Unfortunately, or fortunately, none of us will be around to see how things turn out.

What terrible threats do the upcoming years hold? Beyond the Muslim threat, we face the possibility of massive nuclear proliferation and environmental collapse on a worldwide scale. There may be events brought on by forces that we cannot now comprehend. Such catastrophes will make the current crisis appear in retrospect as nothing more than peripheral or preliminary to the big show.
Eric Lichtenfeld, 09/03/2006
Addressing the wording of the question
Hello. I believe there is a flaw in the question. Intentionally or not, the wording implies that you either share President Bush's view or you do not believe that our battle against Islamic fundamentalism is the ideological struggle of the 21st century.

I am a staunch Jewish, Israel-supporting Democrat who believes that Israel has an absolute right to defend itself and that militant, radical Islam must be fought the world over. It is these beliefs (particularly the latter) that makes me such a staunch Democrat, that makes me so opposed to the present administration. It is not that I think President Bush is wrong when he identifies this "decisive ideological struggle." Quite the opposite. What I do think, however, is that he has bungled our first steps in this struggle very, very badly.

People more conservative than myself often minimize liberals by saying that those on the left refuse to see that there is good and evil in the world. I would counter that we recognize there is good and evil, but also that we won't be victorious if we reduce the problem ONLY to one of good vs. evil. Understanding the enemy is a vital aspect of understanding how to defuse their enmity, and failing that, how to kill them more efficiently. Instead, those who belittle the left say equate the notion of "understanding the enemy" with peace, love, flower power, and a therapist's couch. Perhaps if the President understood the enemy a little better, he would have known that Shiites and Sunnis were different and would have understood the fundamentalist cauldron he was about to stir with the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.

I think Israel's recent war against Hezbollah illustrates this well: I demonstrated in support of Israel's right to defend itself; I only questioned Israel's strategy for doing so. This is how I feel about the U.S.-led "War on Terror." We're right to be waging it, but we have people in office who are doing it wrongly. The war in Iraq has strengthened Iran (terrifyingly), made Iraq a destination spot for terrorists, put zealots in power whereas before there was a secular (albeit terribly evil) ruler, and greatly weakened the U.S.'s ability to wage war in other lands where it might be more necessary. And there weren't even any WMDs.

This has been the long way of saying that the U.S. has correctly identified the first and perhaps greatest challenge of the 21st century, and has in office people who have proven that they are not shrewd enough to lead us in meeting that challenge. After all, how can President Bush preach about democracy when there is such a dark cloud hanging over his two elections (Florida in 2000 and Ohio and Diebold in 2004)? And what to make of the fact that Hezbollah and Hamas both enjoy power given to them by voters in a democratic election? This is why I take exception to the question as worded. Thank you.
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